TI USA: Attorney General’s Memorandum Redirecting U.S. Anti-Corruption Efforts Raises Questions and Concerns

Below is the statement TI US released today in response to Attorney General Bondi’s Memorandum directing federal prosecutors “to shift focus away from FCPA and FEPA investigations that do not involve” criminal cartels and transnational crime and disbanding DoJ’s KleptoCapture Task Force and Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative. Enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act has enjoyed broad, bipartisan support. Congress passed the Federal Extortion Prevention Act by a wide margin and has regularly approved funding for the KleptoCapture Task Force and the Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative. GAB shares TI USA’s concerns about the Attorney General’s Memorandum and hopes she will reconsider it as supporters in Congress, the business community, and the anticorruption community make their concerns known.

Washington, DC—On February 5, 2025, Attorney General Pam Bondi circulated a Memorandum to U.S. Justice Department employees with the subject heading “Total Elimination of Cartels and Transnational Criminal Organizations.”

The Memorandum explains the outlined changes as a step toward implementing President Trump’s January 20, 2025, Executive Order entitled “Designating Cartels And Other Organizations As Foreign Terrorist Organizations And Specially Designated Global Terrorists.”

Among the changes are directives to (1) eliminate the KleptoCapture Task Force and the Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative (KARI); (2) prioritize Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and Foreign Extortion Prevention Act (FEPA) investigations that are related to foreign bribery that facilitates the criminal operations of cartels and transnational criminal organizations (TCOs); (3) shift focus away from FCPA and FEPA investigations and cases that do not involve such a connection; and (3) remove the “bureaucratic impediment” requiring that investigations and prosecutions under the FCPA or FEPA regarding foreign bribery associated with cartels and TCOs first be authorized by, as well as conducted solely by, the Criminal Division and the Fraud Section, respectively, of the Department of Justice in Washington, D.C.

Transparency International U.S Executive Director Gary Kalman issued the following statement:

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Italian Prosecutors’ Criminal Conviction For Not Disclosing Information in OPL-245 Bribery Case Called A Travesty of Justice

“Questionable conjectures” and “illogical reasoning” produced a decision which “does not correspond to the reality or the nature of the crime.” That is how Italian legal scholar Nello Rossi explains the conviction of prosecutors Fabio de Pasquale and Sergio Spadaro for their failure to disclose information to Shell and ENI during the trial of the two for paying massive bribes to secure the rights to Nigerian oil tract OPL-245.

Writing in the January issue of a leading Italian law journal (original; translation), the former judge, Deputy Chief Prosecutor, and High Council of the Judiciary member excoriates the November 11 judgement by a trial court sitting in Brescia (here), showing it to be the result of an unprecedented, unrealistic reading of the governing law together with misstatements if not down-right misrepresentations of the facts.

In finding the prosecutors guilty of failing to perform an official act, the court ruled the law requires prosecutors to automatically turn over to defendants all material received from any third-party before or during trial no matter its credibility or relevance. That the two decided to secretly withhold the material, the court said, showed they knew withholding it was a crime. To buttress its decision, the court added that the material’s disclosure would have affected how the judges in the bribery case assessed the evidence.

Rossi’s meticulous analysis of the court’s decision eviscerates each of these contentions.

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Guest Post: State of Corruption in Mongolia and Government’s Plans to Address It

The fight against corruption in Mongolia, a fledgling democracy wedged between Russia and China, is especially challenging. Not only must corruption fighters in government and allies in civil society contend with constant meddling in its internal politics by its powerful neighbors, but its vast resources of copper, coal, and other minerals create enormous incentives for home-grown corruption. GAB is pleased to publish this guest post on the current developments in the fight against corruption fight by Mongolian lawyer Battsengel Bayarbaatar, an expert in intellectual property law and long-time good governance, anticorruption advocate and due diligence expert.

Mongolia is currently grappling with significant corruption issues, a central concern for both the public and the government. The situation has intensified due to several high-profile corruption scandals, particularly within the mining sector, a cornerstone of Mongolia’s economy.

One of the most prominent cases is the so-called “coal theft” scandal, which erupted in late 2022. This scandal involves allegations that large quantities of coal were illegally transported to China, leading to an estimated loss of up to $12 billion for the Mongolian economy (here). High-ranking officials and influential business figures were implicated in this scheme, triggering widespread public outrage and protests. The Mongolian government responded by launching several criminal investigations and reforming laws related to strategic minerals. However, despite these efforts, enforcement remains weak, and the institutional coordination necessary to address these issues effectively is lacking.

The public’s dissatisfaction with how corruption is being handled reached a boiling point in December 2023 when massive protests broke out in Ulaanbaatar’s Sukhbaatar Square. These protests were primarily driven by youth and various civil society groups demanding transparency and accountability from the government, particularly concerning the coal theft case. The protests are reflective of broader frustrations within Mongolian society over issues such as inequality, unemployment, and environmental degradation. The government has responded to some demands, such as declassifying information related to state-owned enterprises like Erdenes Tavan Tolgoi, but many in the public remain skeptical of the government’s commitment to genuine reform.

In response to these challenges, the Mongolian government has introduced a new anti-corruption strategy, which aims to tackle corruption comprehensively by 2030.

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Italian Court: That ENI Bribed Nigerian Officials for Rights to OPL-245 Based on “Multiple Reliable Sources”

A courageous Italian judge has affirmed that the evidence showing oil giant ENI paid massive bribes for rights to Nigerian oil block OPL-245 is reliable. Judge Francesca Giacomini ruled in December that ENIgate, a book reporting the bribery scheme, was based on “multiple reliable sources.”

In her opinion she not only dismissed ENI’s lawsuit that author Claudio Gatti and publisher Il Fatto (“the Fact”) had defamed the company by claiming it had paid bribes but ordered it to pay defendants’ legal fees as well.

Saying OPL-245 was secured through bribery isn’t what makes Judge Giacomini courageous. The bribery has been a matter of public record for over a decade (here).

The judge merits the accolade for having the fortitude to say so in the face of the fecklessness and likely downright corruption of her judicial colleagues (here). On even more evidence than she had before her, three of them exonerated ENI, its executives, and accomplices of all bribery charges with the flimsiest of reasoning (here). Even more scandalous, in a separate case a fourth found the prosecutors guilty of a crime for how they chose to present the case.

That case rests on an imagined set of facts and an unprecedented interpretation of Italian law (here). Is it too much to hope that the court hearing the appeal show the same courage as Judge Giacomini?

Time for English translation?

Key excerpts of Judge Giacomini’s ruling in English, courtesy of Google and Microsoft office translation programs, below.  Full text of decision here.

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Will America’s Anticorruption NGOs Hold Trump II to Account?

If the trend Daniel Schuman identifies in “Open-Government Nonprofits Are Dying Off Just When They’re Needed Most,” the answer is a clear if frightening NO (here). Schuman, Executive Director of the American Governance Institute, ticks of a list of U.S. watchdogs closing their doors or drastically cutting staff thanks to multiple funding crises.

Those now on the block include: OpenSecrets, which for years has shown which politicians get money from what special interests; OMB Watch, a pioneer in unearthing hard-to-find data on government spending; and the Center for Public Integrity, the scourge of those officials who have never seen an ethical line they can’t cross.

Why, just when more eyes are needed on Trump and cronies, are those with 20-20 vision finding it so hard to raise money? Schulman puts it off to the polarization now infecting the American body politic. The foundations and high-net-worth individuals that have traditionally backed organizations dedicated to “public-informing, community-building work” have, he writes, become “auxiliaries for the parties in their trench warfare over political power.”

Bad enough the funding drought coincides with the return of an Administration likely to make Grant’s second term seem a model of probity. Many of those on the ropes have done much to advance the global war on corruption, from serving as models for citizens of other nations to providing critical technical assistance to anticorruption NGOs around the globe. The fight against corruption in the U.S. is entering a critical phase with the outcome likely to affect the fight in other nations. The stakes couldn’t be higher. Will donors please reconsider their decisions?

Thanks to TheBulwark, an indispensable source for what’s happening in the U.S., for publishing Schuman’s story.

The Fight Against Corruption Is at Stake in Milan

That’s how former French magistrate and renowned corruption fighter Eva Joly sees current developments in Italy. Two prosecutors there face prison for actions taken during the bribery trial of Italy’s largest company.  Writing in the Argentine opinion journal Clarín, Mme. Joly explains that the charges have nothing to do with their conduct and everything to do with a justice system where score-settling and the protection of Italian companies has supplanted the goal of truth and justice (Spanish original here; English translation here).

The saga begins with prosecutors Fabio de Pasquale and Sergio Spadaro opening an investigation into allegations oil giants Shell and Eni paid a $1.1 billion bribe for rights to Nigerian oil field OPL 245. With overwhelming evidence of wrongdoing on the public record (here, here), the two expected they would be trying a cut-and-dried case of foreign bribery.

Even before the trial began, however, it was clear that that was not to be. The first signs: revelations of ties between the chief trial judge and a lawyer close to ENI together with a surprising lack of interest by the Italian press in the largest bribery scandal on record. During the trial, a string of rulings highly favorable to the defense heightened suspicions the fix was in. But the acquittal still came as a surprise given the massive evidence presented coupled with the flimsy reasoning the court advanced to justify its verdict (here).

Adding to the surprise was the Italian media’s new-found interest in the case. Stories claiming the trial had been a waste of public money and questioning what Italian prosecutors were doing prosecuting Italian companies for bribing foreign officials began appearing in several outlets, the same ones where ENI was a major ad buyer.

Not to risk an appellate court would undo their handy work, those behind the trial’s outcome saw to it that the state counsel appointed to appeal the acquittal was one whose public comments on the case tracked the criticisms in the press (here). She then took the extraordinary step of refusing to pursue an appeal, meaning the trial court’s acquittal remains the final word.

Those responsible for quashing one case against ENI apparently feared there was always a risk some other pesky prosecutor didn’t get the message. Hence the orchestration of the conviction of de Pasquale and Spadaro for failing to disclose exculpatory information to the defense, a case with no precedent in Italian law based on a factual claim belied by the trial record.

If the convictions are not overturned on appeal, it’s not only the future of two talented magistrates that will suffer. As Mme. Joly says, the credibility of the Italian judicial system and the future of the fight against corruption, in Italy and far beyond, will suffer as well.

COP Co-Opted: How Corruption and Undue Influence Threaten Multilateral Climate Action

The ongoing COP 29 climate summit in Baku, Azerbaijan, has been living up to the anticorruption community’s worst fears. Risks of undue influence, corporate capture, and corruption arising from yet another authoritarian petrostate hosting a UN climate conference are rampant. (See reports by Global Witness / BBC and OCCRP.)

Tomorrow, November 15, David Szakonyi, Co-Founder of the Anticorruption Data Collective, Associate Professor, George Washington University, and GAB contributor (here) will present a recent report examining the risks and outlining what the UNFCCC, the UN process for curbing climate change, can do to protect future COPs from corporate capture.

 The report was produced by the Collective in partnership with Transparency International.

The virtual event will be held 10:00 – 11:15am EST and is hosted by the Central Asia Program at George Washington University. Along with Professor Szakonyi it features, Kate Watters, Emin Bayramli, and Karl Horberg. 

Register here

Event link

Open letter to OECD Antibribery Convention’s Working Group on Italy’s Noncompliance

In a world where the fight against corruption remains an uphill struggle, the OECD Antibribery Convention is a signal achievement. The 38 members of the OECD, the world’s richest nations, have bound themselves to make it a crime under their domestic law for any person or entity subject to their jurisdiction to bribe an official of a foreign country. What was once common practice by large multinational corporations is now subject to stiff fines for the corporation and prison sentences for their executives.

To ensure their commitment is more than just words on paper, convention parties regularly review each other’s compliance. But as this blog has reported, recent decisions by the Italian judiciary and the Italian government now threaten the enormous progress made in curbing foreign bribery (here, here, and here). Italy’s compliance is being discussed this day by the group charged with reporting on compliance with the Convention. In the letter to group members reprinted below, current and former corruption prosecutors, investigators, academics, and activists urge the group to hold Italy to account for its noncompliance.

The letter remains open for signature. Those who wish to add their names should do so by submitting a comment to this post.. Italy’s noncompliance must remain at the top of the international agenda to fight corruption.

We the undersigned anti-corruption experts and practitioners are writing in the context of discussions about Italy and its resistance to recommendations contained in the Working Group’s (WG) 2022 Phase IV report on Italy. 

We wish to inform you of our immense concerns about Italy’s performance pre and post the Phase IV report issued by the WG.  In particular, we would point you to the following:

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Opportunity for Civil Society Organizations Concerned with Corruption to Provide Input to 4th International Conference on Financing for Development

The UNCAC Coalition, a global network of close to 400 civil society organizations in over 120 countries committed to furthering implementation and monitoring of the UN Convention against Corruption, urges CSO’s working on corruption to provide input to the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4).

UN Member States will there decide how to resource the pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, international development, and support reform of the international financial architecture. 

The Conference will take place from 30 June to 3 July 2025 in Spain. The consultation that will inform the negotiations is open until 15 October COB EST (find more details below).For corruption to feature prominently as a cross-cutting issue, it is crucial that as many civil society organizations and other stakeholders as possible make their own submissions.

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Guest Post: First Country Ratifies the Asset Declaration Treaty

Requiring public official to disclose their assets, income, and other information about their personal finances can be an important tool for curbing corruption — as any number of posts on this blog have shown (examples here, here, and here. The program’s effectiveness depends crucially on the ability to verify the disclosures’ accuracy and in particular the ease with which verifiers can determine if an official has hidden assets abroad. A new Treaty greatly facilitates this task. Its ratification should be at the top of national anticorruption authorities to do list.

GAB is pleased to publish this guest post explaining the Treaty and its origins authored by Tilman Hoppe, an international expert on asset declarations, who played the critical role in the Treaty’s development.

Effective August 23, 2024, North Macedonia has ratified the “International Treaty on Exchange of Data for the Verification of Asset Declarations.” By doing so, North Macedonia has written history. The Treaty is the first and only mechanism for cross-border data exchange for the verification of asset declarations. Three more countries have signed the Treaty and will now have to catch up in ratifying. Other countries are about to sign – any country may join the Treaty, as may the European Union as a bloc.

The Treaty addresses the following gap: Corrupt public officials hide their wealth abroad. At the same time, bodies verifying asset declarations lack access to data abroad. This is the number one reason cited by verification bodies to explain why they can only unlock a fraction of asset declarations’ potential: Following wealth usually stops at domestic borders. Neither the UNCAC nor any other international treaty address this problem.

A significant advance in international efforts to curb corruption, the Treaty emerged from an unlikely set of circumstances:

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