Corruption has increasingly been framed as a national security priority in United States policy. This is perhaps most readily apparent in the National Security Council’s 2023 U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption, but it is also manifest in several major pieces of legislation. One such legislative initiative is the 2019 Global Fragility Act (GFA), which tasked the State Department, Department of Defense (DoD), and US Agency for International Development (USAID) with developing a coordinated ten-year strategy for preventing conflict in fragile states. This past March, the State Department published its inaugural Strategy for Preventing Conflict in four pilot countries—Libya, Mozambique, Haiti, and Papua New Guinea—and one region, Coastal West Africa (encompassing Guinea, Cote D’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, and Benin). Each of these strategy documents center anticorruption reform as a means to improve state legitimacy and reduce the risk of conflict, but they take quite different approaches to addressing the problem of corruption within a national security framework. Continue reading
Author Archives: IvanPusic
When Did EU Anticorruption Conditionality Work, and When Did It Fail?
When countries apply for membership in the European Union (EU), the EU has substantial leverage to insist on various economic, political, and governance reforms—including anticorruption reforms. The EU has used this leverage, mandating (among other things) various anticorruption measures as a condition for accession. Has this worked? Does this form of conditionality help galvanize meaningful improvement in the corruption situation in candidate countries?
One of the most systematic attempts to answer this question, a 2014 study by Mert Kartal, compared corruption trends from 1995-2012 in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries that did and did not apply for EU membership. The study found that applicant countries made significant progress during the accession process—but after accession, these countries’ anticorruption performance tended to deteriorate substantially. This is perhaps not surprising, given that the EU loses its leverage after accession takes place. Nevertheless, the finding is disheartening, in that it casts doubt on whether the EU was able to spur meaningful, lasting anticorruption reform. Notably, though, the results were not uniform across the twelve applicant countries studied: In some, the improvement that occurred prior to accession almost completely reversed after accession, but in others, the improvements appeared more sustainable. Diving into individual stories of accession suggests several factors that may have played an important role in the success or failure of EU attempts at using the carrot of membership to spur sustainable anticorruption reform. Continue reading
Performance Over Promises: The MCC’s Formula for Fighting Corruption
Can foreign aid be used to spur anticorruption reforms? Many donor agencies have tried. The typical approach is to make aid to a recipient country conditional on the adoption of a series of substantive anticorruption or good governance reforms. Unfortunately, there is little data to suggest conditional aid buys reform. To the contrary, grants of conditional aid have been associated with increases in corruption, slower policy reform, and the deterioration of governance generally. While one might expect that, all else equal, conditional aid would result in relatively more aid flowing to more honest governments, it seems the opposite is true: after controlling for a country’s poverty level, regime type, and other factors, it appears that more aid goes to more corrupt countries.
Twenty years ago, a small U.S. federal agency, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), took a different approach to spurring anticorruption reform through foreign aid. The MCC, which provides large ($100M+) grants to low-income countries, embraced a strategy that differed from traditional aid conditionality in two ways. First, rather than selecting aid recipients on an ad hoc, case-by-case basis, the MCC determines eligibility using a uniform scorecard. As relevant here, the MCC requires that, to become eligible for MCC grants, a country must score above an absolute level on the World Bank Institute’s “control of corruption” index. (Countries must also score above the median for their income class on ten of twenty additional indicators.) The MCC provides grants to most countries that do meet those criteria. (Of the 80 countries are eligible under this scheme, at least 50 have received funding.) Second, and relatedly, once countries are deemed eligible, no further conditions are attached to MCC funding, which can be directed towards any purpose and is rarely withdrawn. On average, countries receive $160M in unconditional funding, though grants have been as large as $698M.
At the time the MCC was created, this approach was labelled “crude and dogmatic.” Critics complained that the MCC approach would divert aid away from the countries in greatest need of both aid and reform, and towards countries that already outperformed their peers. But the evidence strongly suggests the MCC’s approach has spurred meaningful anticorruption reforms, at least among countries near its eligibility threshold. Researchers have compared countries are right above the threshold to others right below the threshold, and found that up to 38% of countries just below the threshold have implemented substantive anticorruption reforms as a result of MCC’s creation (see here and here). Analysis of statements and correspondence with officials from MCC candidate countries (from, for example, leaked embassy cables, meeting transcripts, and the like) provides corroborating evidence that countries near the threshold utilized the scorecard to galvanize reform.
Why has the MCC’s performance-based approach been more successful in catalyzing anticorruption reform than traditional conditional aid? It’s impossible to say for sure, but the research to date suggests a few intriguing hypotheses: Continue reading