How Donald Trump intends to keep his business interests separate from his duties as President has become a principal point of contention since he won the election eight days ago. Trump has said he will turn over management of his affairs to his children, but critics say this is not enough and have begun stepping up an attack based on potential conflicts between his personal financial interests and his responsibilities as President. For reasons both legal and practical, however, the attack is without substance, and continuing it only diverts attention from real worries about his policies while fueling the hyper-partisanship surrounding discussions of ethics in American political life. Furthermore, whatever the President-elect thinks about ethics and corruption-fighting, using the conflict of interest cudgel to beat him around the head and shoulders is unlikely to make him more sympathetic to the cause readers of this Blog share. Continue reading
Author Archives: Richard Messick
Corrupt Land Grabbing: A Cambodian Response
For the vast majority living in developing nations the principal source of wealth is land: whether the plot where their house is located, the fields they farm, or the forestlands that provide daily sustenance. The first effects of economic development often show up as sharp increases in the value of this property. Once valuable only as a place to locate a small village or to eke out a living in subsistence agriculture, land prices suddenly skyrocket when an airport, ocean terminal, or other significant new infrastructure is to be located nearby. While offering neighboring property holders a chance to escape poverty, these investments can also put them at great risk. Land registries in poor countries are often not well-kept and registry staff poorly paid, making the doctoring or forging of ownership records possible.
An example what can happen occurred recently near Sihanoukville City, Cambodia. After plans to expand the city’s port were announced, a powerful official connected to the port authority began a campaign to evict residents of a nearby village from land they live on and which their families have farmed for generations. Strategically placed bribes have given him a colorable claim to the land, and he has mobilized local authorities to try and force the residents off the property.
Although all too often Cambodians in a similar situation have surrendered, a group of villagers decided to fight and turned to Bunthea Keo, a young Cambodian public interest lawyer, for help. Thea brought suit to halt the eviction, and in a paper written for the Open Society Foundations’ Justice Initiative he explains not only the legal theories behind the case but the organizational and financial issues involved in bringing a public interest suit on behalf of a large group of citizens in Cambodia. It is the ninth in a series of papers the Justice Initiative has commissioned on civil society and anticorruption litigation following earlier ones on i) standing by GAB editor-in-chief Matthew Stephenson, ii) civil society litigation in India by Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy Director Arghya Sengupta, iii) private suits for defrauding government by Houston Law School Professor David Kwok, iv) private prosecution in the U.K. by Tamlyn Edmonds and David Jugnarain, v) damages for bribery under American law by this writer, vi) public trust theory by Professor Elmarie van der Schyff, a professor of law at South Africa’s North-West University, vii) private suits for procurement corruption by Professor Abiola Makinwa of the Hague University of Applied Sciences, and viii) international tribunals as a means for forcing government action on corruption by Adetokunbo Mumuni, Executive Director of the Social and Economic Rights Project. All papers are available here.
Suing Governments For Corruption Before International Tribunals: SERAP v. Nigeria
Last week I reported that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project or SERAP , a Nigerian NGO, was being sued by the country’s former first lady for urging the authorities to investigate her for receiving “small gifts” ($15 million in total) while her husband served in government, first as Governor of the oil-rich state of Bayelsa, then as Vice-President and later President. While the saga of the first lady and her “small gifts” recently took another unusual (bizarre?) legal twist, this week the focus is on SERAP and one its most creative approaches to combating corruption in Nigeria: the precedent setting suit it brought against the Government of Nigeria in the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States for corruption in education.
The ECOWAS Court is one of several regional international tribunals established to hear disputes between neighboring countries, in its case 15 states in West Africa. The Court’s statute also grants it jurisdiction to entertain actions against a member state for human rights violations. In 2007 SERAP took advantage of this provision to bring the Government of Nigeria before the bar of justice for its failure to curb massive corruption in the agency funding schools in disadvantaged areas of the country. While SERAP’s argument was straightforward — Nigeria’s inability to curb corruption denied citizens’ their constitutionally guaranteed right to education – the SERAP suit appears to be a first: a human rights action based on a state’s failure to control corruption.
The Nigerian government lodged several objections in opposition: SERAP had to take its case first to Nigerian courts; the ECOWAS Court had no jurisdiction to hear the matter; SERAP had no standing to sue; the right to education was not justiciable. But in its landmark decision in favor of SERAP the Court swept all of them aside, ruling that corruption in education could constitute a violation of the right to education if government did not make a serious effort to prosecute the corrupt officials and recover the stolen funds. SERAP v. Nigeria stands as an important precedent for civil society groups in countries where governments are unwilling to address deeply-ingrained, high level corruption that denies citizens constitutionally guaranteed rights. It also demonstrates how an energetic civil society group committed to fighting corruption can find a creative legal argument to unlock the courthouse door.
Details on the case are in this paper by Adetokunbo Mumuni, SERAP’s Executive Director and its lead counsel in the action. The paper is the eighth in a series commissioned by the Open Society Justice Initiative on civil society and anticorruption litigation. It follows earlier ones on i) standing by GAB editor-in-chief Matthew Stephenson, ii) civil society litigation in India by Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy Director Arghya Sengupta, iii) private suits for defrauding government by Houston Law School Professor David Kwok, iv) private prosecution in the U.K. by Tamlyn Edmonds and David Jugnarain, v) damages for bribery under American law by this writer, vi) public trust theory by Professor Elmarie van der Schyff, a professor of law at South Africa’s North-West University, and vii) private suits for corruption in public procurement by Abiola Makinwa, a lecturer in commercial law at the Hague University of Applied Sciences. All papers are available here on the JI Web site.
Nigeria’s Former First Lady: Stop Attacking Me for Gifts I Received
Ex-Nigerian First Lady Patience Jonathan’s patience is being tested by a campaign of calumny being waged against her. Since her husband left office in 2015 she has been under constant attack merely because she recieved some small gifts from friends and well-wishers while her husband served in government. The Nigerian NGO Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project is trying to force the authorities to open a criminal case against her and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Nigeria’s anticorruption agency, wants to seize the gifts.
It is easy to see why the attacks are testing Patience’s patience. The gifts were all small, some as little as $800, and altogether they total just $15 million. Moreover, as she has repeatedly explained, she had nothing to do with the money being deposited into bank accounts in someone else’s name. An assistant did that without telling her, and in any event why does it matter? She was the only one authorized to write checks on the account.
Thankfully for the former first lady, members of the Union of Niger Delta Youth Organisation for Equity, Justice and Good Governance have come to her defense. In a complaint filed in early October for themselves and Mrs. Jonathan the group asked the Federal High Court in Lagos to enjoin the NGO SERAP from “taking any further steps in further vilification, condemnation and conviction of the Former First Lady Mrs Dame Patience Jonathan . . . and in the use of the judicial process for that purpose by the extremely publicized pursuit of any application for the coercion of the Attorney General of the Federation to prosecute the Plaintiff/Applicant for owning legitimate private property . . . .” The group’s complaint seeking the injunction against SERPA goes on to detail just how unjust the criticism of Dame Patience is – Continue reading
3 Things To Do About Corruption Rather Than Gripe
Most of what passes for commentary or learned analysis about corruption in the press, on social media, or elsewhere does little more than say (again and again and again) that corruption is a pressing problem and that it should be addressed. However valuable such calls to action might have been in the early years of the anticorruption movement, as Matthew suggested some time ago (almost two years ago to be exact), the principle of diminishing returns has long since set in. I have serious doubts that another newspaper op-ed, “thought piece,” or (even) blog post will prompt one more policymaker or citizen to take up the anticorruption cause. If they have not by now, they simply aren’t going to.
Rather than wasting energy and time and sending more innocent trees to their death in the hopes of enlisting the remaining holdouts to the cause, here are three projects activists can tackle that will make a difference in the fight to curb corruption. Continue reading
Another Essential Web Site for Anticorruption Professionals
Last month I urged those whose investigate or prosecute corruption cases for a living to peruse and bookmark Guide to Combating Corruption & Fraud in Development Projects, an invaluable web page developed by the International Anticorruption Resource Center. Today I recommend anticorruption professionals do the same for CAMPUS, an e-learning site developed by the Basel Institute’s International Centre for Asset Recovery.
CAMPUS currently contains four courses with more promised. The four now available teach the user to: 1) use Excel to analyze financial records, 2) devise graphics to visualize cases and money flows, 3) show an individual is living beyond his or her means, and 4) analyze suspicious transaction reports. Even those who are computer-challenged will find the courses easy to navigate. I have completed two and am working my way through the other two and have never had a better experience with an online course. The substance of each is first-rate, and as with the Anticorruption Resource Center’s Guide, even veteran investigators and prosecutors will benefit from taking the courses. Perhaps best of all, unlike many online courses computerization enhances rather than detracts from the learning experience. Take the course on using Excel to analyze financial records. Continue reading
Why Not Citizen Suits for Corrupt Procurements?
Beginning from the simple and indisputable premise that those harmed by corruption should be able to do something about it, Professor Abiola Makinwa of the Hague University of Applied Sciences develops a novel approach to attacking the ubiquitous problem of corruption in public procurement. To appreciate it, take an example. Suppose government awards a contract to a company to build a road so farmers in the region can more easily and cheaply bring their products to market. Suppose further that thanks to corruption the road is either never built or it quickly becomes impassable. Who suffers most from the construction company’s failure to perform the road building contract? Who has the greatest stake in remedying the wrong? Continue reading
A Global Stocktaking on This First International Right to Know Day
GAB is pleased to welcome this guest post by the Centre for Law and Democracy:
Today marks the first of what will be an annual recognition and celebration of citizens’ right to access information held by their governments. Making September 28 International Day for Universal Access to Information will, as the UNESCO resolution establishing it explains, help make governments and citizens alike aware that an “open and transparent government is a fundamental component of a democratic and developed state,” that all natural and legal persons have a “right to seek, access and receive information from public bodies and private bodies performing a public function,” and that it is “the duty of the state to prove such information.”
For the past five years the Centre for Law and Democracy and Access Info Europe have been tracking nations’ efforts in fulfilling this duty, and we are pleased to note that substantial progress has been made. There are now 112 countries with some form of right to information or freedom of information legislation on the books with six nations enacting a new law this year alone. Not all RTI laws meet the minimum criteria for granting citizens the right to information, and even those laws that do are not always enforced effectively. To keep watch over developments, our two organizations annually produce an RTI Rating reporting legal changes and assessing their compliance with international norms. This year’s report has a number of surprising findings. Continue reading
Anticorruption Investigators and Prosecutors: Bookmark this Web Site!
The International Anticorruption Resource Center, a Washington-based group of American investigators and former prosecutors, has developed a first-class web site on how to investigate and prosecute corruption crimes that everyone in the business of investigating or prosecuting corruption crimes should bookmark. Divided into three main sections – Detection, Proof, and Evidence – the site guides the reader through the entire process of developing and presenting a corruption case: from the first interview with a whistleblower through assembling the facts to proving them in a court of law. While there are any number of Web sites with material useful for investigators and prosecutors (here and here for examples), this is the only I have found that pulls together in one place the basics that every anticorruption investigator or prosecutor needs.
Although clearly aimed at those in the early stages of their career, I recommend that even the most harden veterans peruse the site. They will find it a valuable refresher and may well find some helpful tips. Two pages I particularly liked were – Continue reading
Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare: Time to Act Agressively, Quickly on Corruption
Below is the full text of remarks Solomon Islands Prime Mininster Manasseh Sogavare delivered September 8, 2016, at a workshop in Honiara, Solomon Islands, to develop a national anticorruption strategy for the country
Hon Premiers and your delegations, Members of the Steering Committee of the National Anti-Corruption Strategy, Representatives of the diplomatic corps and international organisations, senior officials from our integrity institutions and various institutions of our Government, representatives of our business community from the private sector, representatives from our civil society based organisations, ladies and gentlemen. Good morning to you all.
Let me say at the outset how pleased I am to see many of you attending this national workshop which undoubtedly, you would now know, is a precursor-event to the development and formulation of our country’s first ever National Anti-Corruption Strategy.
I had wanted to address you and the public on the subject matter of “our fight against corruption”, and I am pleased that this opportunity has come up. Like many of you, I am personally convinced that the fight against corruption is not just a fight by Government alone, it is a fight by all stakeholders. It is a fight that must be pursued by all of us collectively. Continue reading